Chinese Workers and Their "Language Labor": Online Gambling in the Philippines and On-site Casinos in Zambia

This paper examines the relationship between Chinese gambling capital, workplace exploitation, and labor migration. Focusing on online gambling in the Philippines and on-site casinos in Zambia, we argue that capital accumulation in the gambling sector relies on the "language labor" provided by Chinese workers to facilitate online or on-site communication between players and companies. China-funded gambling companies need to continuously import Chinese workers through a combination of legal and illegal routes. After migration, workers are disempowered to seek redress outside due to the companies' connections to the host country's elites and the illegal status of gambling in China. Companies can unilaterally increase work hours and impose unfair workplace arrangements on Chinese workers. Gambling capital's reliance on workers' language labor and the opaque legal status of the industry open avenues of exploitation and multiple arenas of exploitation for Chinese capital.

Index Terms

Index by Keywords

Overview

Editor's Note

Manuscript accepted October 29, 2019. Accepted 6 October 2020.

Full text

1 Language competence is a central issue in workplace exploitation. In the context of overseas Chinese companies, the literature has often focused on Chinese companies, especially their relationship with the Chinese state, their connections to the host country elite, or their impact on the host country's economic development. Although there is a growing body of research on overseas Chinese workers, the relationship between language and exploitation in the workplace has, with some exceptions, not been fully explored. For example, Ivan Franceschini (2020) argues that language barriers and the perception that Chinese workers are better off being able to communicate effectively with management among Cambodian workers create artificial divisions, undermining potential solidarity between the two groups and disempowering the workforce as a whole. Miriam Driessen, who studied Ethiopia, explains that Chinese and Ethiopians were able to strategize and communicate collectively using signals as a substitute for language (Driessen 2020). Both works demonstrate the dynamic interplay between language, power, and exploitation in the workplace (Franceschini 2020 ; Driessen 2020 ).

2. The article contributes to the relationship between language and power by analyzing the exploitation and labor movements in the Chinese capital, a Chinese capital. We argue that Chinese gambling capital is essentially dependent on "language labor" provided by imported Chinese workers. Chinese workers have the language skills necessary to smoothly communicate online or o n-site between players and companies. If there is no understanding between companies and players, the transaction will go bankrupt. Therefore, companies need to constantly import Chinese workers because the working population of the host country is poor. Gambling accounts for an opaque legal status in the eyes of Chinese and recipients, so it is extremely difficult to seek help when a Chinese worker is exploited. In this situation, the company can increase working hours, reduce payments, and impose other compulsory agreements. The gambling department is fluid beyond jurisdiction, so that the exploitation path is opened, creating multiple exploitation places for Chinese capital. Franceschini and Driessen have discovered that the ability to speak Chinese is formed in various forms of exploitation in the workplace (DriesSen 2019; FranceSchini 2020; DriesSen 2020) Due to the legal status, the ability to speak Chinese is the core of the exploitation of the workplace in the gambling department.

• 1 Cliff Venzon, "DUTERTE HTS TS THE ACKPOT as China Fels Oline G AMBLING B OOM," asian Nikkei Review, (.).
• 2 Alvin Camba, "The Winners and Losers in Duterte's China Play," South China Morning Post, 30 Septemb (.).
• 3. China's online gambling companies are famous for their difficult tracking. Analysis by the Philippine Security Bureau has shown that online gambling companies in China are difficult to track.
• 4, as shown by the Immigration Bureau (BI), the people of mainland China account for 80%of new foreigners. < SPAN> This paper contributes to the relationship between language and power by analyzing exploitation and labor movements in Chinese capital gambling companies. We argue that Chinese gambling capital is essentially dependent on "language labor" provided by imported Chinese workers. Chinese workers have the language skills necessary to smoothly communicate online or o n-site between players and companies. If there is no understanding between companies and players, the transaction will go bankrupt. Therefore, companies need to constantly import Chinese workers because the working population of the host country is poor. Gambling accounts for an opaque legal status in the eyes of Chinese and recipients, so it is extremely difficult to seek help when a Chinese worker is exploited. In this situation, the company can increase working hours, reduce payments, and impose other compulsory agreements. The gambling department is fluid beyond jurisdiction, so that the exploitation path is opened, creating multiple exploitation places for Chinese capital. Franceschini and Driessen have discovered that the ability to speak Chinese is formed in various forms of exploitation in the workplace (DriesSen 2019; FranceSchini 2020; DriesSen 2020) Due to the legal status, the ability to speak Chinese is the core of the exploitation of the workplace in the gambling department.

1 Cliff Venzon, "DUTERTE HTS TS THE ACKPOT as China Fels Oline G AMBLING B OOM," asian Nikkei Review, (.).

2 Alvin Camba, "The Winners and Losers in Duterte's China Play," South China Morning Post, 30 Septemb (.).

• 3. China's online gambling companies are famous for their difficult tracking. Analysis by the Philippine Security Bureau has shown that online gambling companies in China are difficult to track.

4, as shown by the Immigration Bureau (BI), the people of mainland China account for 80%of new foreigners. 2. The article contributes to the relationship between language and power by analyzing the exploitation and labor movements in the Chinese capital, a Chinese capital. We argue that Chinese gambling capital is essentially dependent on "language labor" provided by imported Chinese workers. Chinese workers have the language skills necessary to smoothly communicate online or o n-site between players and companies. If there is no understanding between companies and players, the transaction will go bankrupt. Therefore, companies need to constantly import Chinese workers because the working population of the host has poor language skills. Gambling accounts for an opaque legal status in the eyes of Chinese and recipients, so it is extremely difficult to seek help when a Chinese worker is exploited. In this situation, the company can increase working hours, reduce payments, and impose other compulsory agreements. The gambling department is fluid beyond jurisdiction, so that the exploitation path is opened, creating multiple exploitation places for Chinese capital. Franceschini and Driessen have discovered that the ability to speak Chinese is formed in various forms of exploitation in the workplace (DriesSen 2019; FranceSchini 2020; DriesSen 2020) Due to the legal status, the ability to speak Chinese is the core of the exploitation of the workplace in the gambling department.

1 Cliff Venzon, "DUTERTE HTS TS THE ACKPOT as China Fels Oline G AMBLING B OOM," asian Nikkei Review, (.).

• 2 Alvin Camba, "The Winners and Losers in Duterte's China Play," South China Morning Post, 30 Septemb (.).

3. China's online gambling companies are famous for their difficult tracking. Analysis by the Philippine Security Bureau has shown that online gambling companies in China are difficult to track.

• 4, as shown by the Immigration Bureau (BI), the people of mainland China account for 80%of new foreigners.

3 Empirically, we focus on the Philippines and Zambia. Since the Rodrigo Duterte administration (2016-), the Philippines has become the online gambling capital of Asia, contributing up to 3-4 billion US dollars (USD) in taxes and 180 million USD in license fees per year, with operations expanding in major cities (Camba 2018). 2 Online gambling companies do not receive direct investment from mainland China or Hong Kong. Instead, capital passes through holding companies in offshore funding centers, such as the Cayman Islands and the British Virgin Islands, before being incorporated in the Philippines. 3 Online gambling companies primarily target Chinese-speaking markets, and therefore require native Chinese-speaking workers. Workers come primarily from mainland China because they are less costly than Taiwanese workers. 4 Taiwanese and other Southeast Asian Chinese are recruited primarily because they are fluent in Chinese dialects. Chinese workers work in the Philippines through a combination of tourism and smuggling. After Chinese workers migrate to the Philippines, gambling companies exploit them by reducing their payments, increasing their work responsibilities, and using violence to discipline them. Due to the Chinese government’s strict policies against online gambling and the Duterte government’s agreements with online gambling companies, workers have no legal remedy to improve their working conditions. Companies exploit their indifference.

4 In Zambia, the casinos on the premises have customers who play in English, but they respond to Chinese speaking customers, and manages business that companies cannot leave to workers in the host country because they are not trusted. , Other functions require Chinese workers. Chinese workers move illegally through a smuggling route or pretend to be tourists. Companies will exploit the worker's passport and delay the payment of wages. The legal status of workers is unclear, so the elite has a casino stock, Zambia, and the Chinese state, whose stance on gambling is swaying, cannot help. As the relationship between China and Zambia has improved and the role of China in Africa increases, the inflow of Chinese workers who have moved to Zambia and continue to live for at least several years. Here, the new environment, experiencing all human life, and wanting to participate in luxurious consumption, creates a willingness to participate in the casino. In this way, the Chinese capital casino depends on Chinese labor immigrants to use Chinese workers brought by major stat e-owned companies in China (SOE) and private companies.

5 Fieldwork in the Philippines and Zambia held from the fall of 2018 to 2020. Most interviews (.)

5) This is more than 50 stakeholders, including the government officials in the Philippines and Zambia, the leaders of the Chinese community, as well as Chinese online gambling companies and casinos in the office, senior managers, and staff. It was obtained from a structured interview. 5 Interviews with Chinese embassy members in the two countries, Philippine Chinese investors in the Philippines, and members of the Economic and Commerce Office in the Zambia. He also had an unofficial conversation with gamblers in both countries.

• Chinese capital, labor, gambling

6 Other works of Niiri are considering the historical immigration of Chinese in Eastern Europe, and how gambling is (...) 4 Zambia has customers who play in English in the casino on the premises. However, other functions are needed for other functions, such as responding to Chinese speaking customers and managing operations that companies cannot leave to workers in the host country because they have no trust. Chinese workers move illegally through a smuggling route or pretend to be tourists. Companies will exploit the worker's passport and delay the payment of wages. The legal status of workers is unclear, so the elite has a casino stock, Zambia, and the Chinese state, whose stance on gambling is swaying, cannot help. As the relationship between China and Zambia has improved and the role of China in Africa increases, the inflow of Chinese workers who have moved to Zambia and continue to live for at least several years. Here, the new environment, experiencing all human life, and wanting to participate in luxurious consumption, creates a willingness to participate in the casino. In this way, the Chinese capital casino depends on Chinese labor immigrants to use Chinese workers brought by major stat e-owned companies in China (SOE) and private companies.

• 5 Fieldwork in the Philippines and Zambia held from the fall of 2018 to 2020. Most interviews (.)
• 5) This is more than 50 stakeholders, including the government officials in the Philippines and Zambia, the leaders of the Chinese community, as well as Chinese online gambling companies and casinos in the office, senior managers, and staff. It was obtained from a structured interview. 5 Interviews with Chinese embassy members in the two countries, Philippine Chinese investors in the Philippines, and members of the Economic and Commerce Office in the Zambia. He also had an unofficial conversation with gamblers in both countries.
• Chinese capital, labor, gambling

6 Other works of Niiri are considering the historical immigration of Chinese in Eastern Europe, and how much (...) 4 Zambia has a customer who plays in English, but China. Other functions are needed for other functions, such as responding to words and managing businesses that companies cannot leave to workers in the host country because they have no trust. Chinese workers move illegally through a smuggling route or pretend to be tourists. Companies will exploit the worker's passport and delay the payment of wages. The legal status of workers is unclear, so the elite has a casino stock, Zambia, and the Chinese state, whose stance on gambling is swaying, cannot help. As the relationship between China and Zambia has improved and the role of China in Africa increases, the inflow of Chinese workers who have moved to Zambia and continue to live for at least several years. Here, the new environment, experiencing all human life, and wanting to participate in luxurious consumption, creates a willingness to participate in the casino. In this way, the Chinese capital casino depends on Chinese labor immigrants to use Chinese workers brought by major stat e-owned companies in China (SOE) and private companies.

5 Fieldwork in the Philippines and Zambia held from the fall of 2018 to 2020. Most interviews (.)

5) This is more than 50 stakeholders, including the government officials in the Philippines and Zambia, the leaders of the Chinese community, as well as Chinese online gambling companies and casinos in the office, senior managers, and staff. It was obtained from a structured interview. 5 Interviews with Chinese embassy members in the two countries, Philippine Chinese investors in the Philippines, and members of the Economic and Commerce Office in the Zambia. He also had an unofficial conversation with gamblers in both countries.

Chinese capital, labor, gambling

6) In other works of Niiri, how about gambling (...), which is considering the historical immigration of Chinese people in Eastern Europe (...).

• 6 There are three documents that connect Chinese capital and overseas workers. First, the political and economics of development has verified Chinese workers as a subset of Chinese companies (Brautigam 2011). The trajectory of this study, which proposes policy from a macroeconomic angle, has subsequently verified the interdo diversion of Chinese workers, i n-house training, and regional concentration. For example, Kevin Gallagers and Roberto Polzekansky have the effects of China's benefits (Gallagner and Porzecanski) using the economic status of the acceptance, natural resources export, and the labor use of the recipient (Gallagner and Porzecanski). 2010). Second, sociologists and anthropologists have built ethnic journal literature on labor in China. For example, research on "eating bitterness" by Ching Kwan Lee has revealed that Chinese companies often hire workers who have avoided visa restrictions (Lee 2018). Investigating Ethiopia's Chinese Road Construction Company, Dolesen argued that China's hope to share development with developing countries has turned into "bitterness" through these workers' experience (Driessen 2019). Finally, the literature by anthropologists and historists focuses on Chinese labor and gambling. For example, James Warren analyzes Chines e-powered drivers in Singapore, the UK, and mentions their struggles, desires, and bad habits (Warren 2013). Warren has written another book on how the Thai state regulates and has been left in control with Chinese labor immigrants (Warren 2003). recent years
• 7 On February 22, 2019, Quantan, MCKIP Floor Manager, IMIP Smelter Director, Morowar (.) 6 There are three documents linking Chinese capital and overseas workers. First, the political and economics of development has verified Chinese workers as a subset of Chinese companies (Brautigam 2011). The trajectory of this study, which proposes policy from a macroeconomic angle, has subsequently verified the interdo diversion of Chinese workers, i n-house training, and regional concentration. For example, Kevin Gallagers and Roberto Polzekansky have the effects of China's benefits (Gallagner and Porzecanski) using the economic status of the acceptance, natural resources export, and the labor use of the recipient (Gallagner and Porzecanski). 2010). Second, sociologists and anthropologists have built ethnic journal literature on labor in China. For example, research on "eating bitterness" by Ching Kwan Lee has revealed that Chinese companies often hire workers who have avoided visa restrictions (Lee 2018). Investigating Ethiopia's Chinese Road Construction Company, Dolesen argued that China's hope to share development with developing countries has turned into "bitterness" through these workers' experience (Driessen 2019). Finally, the literature by anthropologists and historists focuses on Chinese labor and gambling. For example, James Warren analyzes Chines e-powered drivers in Singapore, the UK, and mentions their struggles, desires, and bad habits (Warren 2013). Warren has written another book on how the Thai state regulates and has been left in control with Chinese labor immigrants (Warren 2003). recent years
• 7 On February 22, 2019, there are three documents that connect Quantan, MCKIP floor managers, IMIP Smelet Manager, and Morowar (.) 6 Chinese capital and overseas workers. First, the political and economics of development has verified Chinese workers as a subset of Chinese companies (Brautigam 2011). The trajectory of this study, which proposes policy from a macroeconomic angle, has subsequently verified the interdo diversion of Chinese workers, i n-house training, and regional concentration. For example, Kevin Gallagers and Roberto Polzekansky have the effects of China's benefits (Gallagner and Porzecanski) using the economic status of the acceptance, natural resources export, and the labor use of the recipient (Gallagner and Porzecanski). 2010). Second, sociologists and anthropologists have built ethnic journal literature on labor in China. For example, research on "eating bitterness" by Ching Kwan Lee has revealed that Chinese companies often hire workers who have avoided visa restrictions (Lee 2018). Investigating Ethiopia's Chinese Road Construction Company, Dolesen argued that China's hope to share development with developing countries has turned into "bitterness" through these workers' experience (Driessen 2019). Finally, the literature by anthropologists and historists focuses on Chinese labor and gambling. For example, James Warren analyzes Chines e-powered drivers in Singapore, the UK, and mentions their struggles, desires, and bad habits (Warren 2013). Warren has written another book on how the Thai state regulates and has been left in control with Chinese labor immigrants (Warren 2003). recent years

7 February 22, 2019, Quantan, MCKIP Floor Manager, IMIP Smelet Manager, Moroar (.)

7 Despite these advances, these studies generally overlook the intersection between exploitation in the workplace, labor migration, and language. While the first pillar focuses primarily on Chinese companies, the second and third pillars encompass labor and migration to some extent. Exploitation depends in part on the willingness of the host country to protect workers (Camba et al.). For example, Malaysian and Indonesian workers at the Chinese-funded Kuantan Industrial Park in Malaysia and Morowali Industrial Park in Indonesia seek the help of their respective state and district governments to enforce labor laws. Both parks pay monetary compensation to local governments and monitor abusive labor clusters. 7 How Chinese companies treat their workers is also important. Due to the limited duration of projects, Chinese companies and Chinese workers often have formal contracts that stipulate that their employment is temporary. As Yu Zheng and Chris Smith found in Chinese manufacturing investments in Europe, “[companies] find more room to negotiate with existing institutional players (the state, unions, and hiring agents) to develop diverse employment practices” (Yu and Smith 2017: 31). In contrast, Aaron Halegua’s research in Saipan finds that investments in the construction sector by Chinese local SOEs and private companies have led to labor exploitation (Halegua 2020), where Chinese workers with formal contracts received the same treatment as those without.

• Marxian Theory of Exploitation, Gambling, and Language Labor
• 8 Language labor is used to indicate "division of labor" and "proximity" (Adsera and Ferrer 2015; Williamson and Chen 2019) to create an understanding shared between customers and workers. Emphasides how much workers are involved in linguistic and no n-verbal communication forms. The Chinese literature in Africa has grown more recognition that a language barrier has created a certain kind of problem between Chinese investors and Africans (Park and Chen 2009; EOM 2018). Imminely, these works are considered the relationship between the language and the meaning of the individual mapping to the world (Kelemen 2003), and Marxist theorist Giant Lucci "is a continuous organs of social existence. It is a phenomenon called "medium" (Kelemen 2014).
• 9 By developing the concept of "language labor" in a different way, gambling companies need to import Chinese workers essentially, and ultimately explore Chinese workers. , Supplement these works. We take language labor in the theory of exploitation of Marxist political economics. The school has previously defined that capital and labor are antagonist in which capital and labor exploit labor to gain profit (TUCKER 1978: 308). Marx explains how capital produces products using the concept of exploitation that distinguishes necessary working hours and surplus working hours. The former is the time required to produce products and services, and the latter is the surplus working hours in the production process (same: 309). Marx claims that capital will increase the amount of surplus work and at the same time to reduce the necessary working hours. To this end, capitalists will work on mechanization, poverty, tailored, labor reserve, and many other methods (same book: 311).

8 This is a fieldwork discovery. Slot machines and lo w-priced beds can be automatically performed, but medium (.) < Span> 8 language labor is used to indicate "division of labor" and "proximity" (Adsera and Ferrer 2015; Williamson and Chen 2019). In order to create the understanding shared between customers and workers, it emphasizes how companies need workers who can be involved in linguistic and no n-language communication. The Chinese literature in Africa has grown more recognition that a language barrier has created a certain kind of problem between Chinese investors and Africans (Park and Chen 2009; EOM 2018). Imminely, these works are considered the relationship between the language and the meaning of the individual mapping to the world (Kelemen 2003), and Marxist theorist Giant Lucci "is a continuous organs of social existence. It is a phenomenon called "medium" (Kelemen 2014).

9 By developing the concept of "language labor" in a different form, gambling companies need to import Chinese workers essentially, and ultimately explore Chinese workers. , Supplement these works. We take language labor in the theory of exploitation of Marxist political economics. The school has previously defined that capital and labor are antagonist in which capital and labor exploit labor to gain profit (TUCKER 1978: 308). Marx explains how capital produces products using the concept of exploitation that distinguishes necessary working hours and surplus working hours. The former is the time required to produce products and services, and the latter is the surplus working hours in the production process (same: 309). Marx claims that capital will increase the amount of surplus work and at the same time to reduce the necessary working hours. To this end, capitalists will work on mechanization, poverty, tailored, labor reserve, and many other methods (same book: 311).

• 8 This is a fieldwork discovery. Slot machines and lo w-amount beds can be done automatically, but medium (.) 8 language labor is used to indicate "division of labor" and "proximity" (Adsera and Ferrer 2015; Williamson and Chen 2019), and with customers. In order to create a shared understanding among workers, it emphasizes how companies need workers who can involve linguistic and no n-language communication. The Chinese literature in Africa has grown more recognition that a language barrier has created a certain kind of problem between Chinese investors and Africans (Park and Chen 2009; EOM 2018). Imminely, these works are considered the relationship between the language and the meaning of the individual mapping to the world (Kelemen 2003), and Marxist theorist Giant Lucci "is a continuous organs of social existence. It is a phenomenon called "medium" (Kelemen 2014).
• 9 By developing the concept of "language labor" in a different way, gambling companies need to import Chinese workers essentially, and ultimately explore Chinese workers. , Supplement these works. We take language labor in the theory of exploitation of Marxist political economics. The school has previously defined that capital and labor are antagonist in which capital and labor exploit labor to gain profit (TUCKER 1978: 308). Marx explains how capital produces products using the concept of exploitation that distinguishes necessary working hours and surplus working hours. The former is the time required to produce products and services, and the latter is the surplus working hours in the production process (same: 309). Marx claims that capital will increase the amount of surplus work and at the same time to reduce the necessary working hours. To this end, capitalists will work on mechanization, poverty, dedicated, labor reserve, and many other ways (same book: 311).

8 This is a fieldwork discovery. Slot machines and lo w-price beds can be done automatically, but inside (.)

• 10 Among these strategies, labor pools are an important mechanism for increasing surplus labor and reducing work hours (ibid.: 312). When operations become too costly, companies relocate to other states to access new labor pools and cheaper inputs (ibid.: 313). However, relocation only makes sense if potential workers already have or can easily acquire the skills required for the company's core operations. In gambling, workers must always communicate with players in a common language. 8 Without this basic level of communication, trade falls apart. Language also creates familiarity and creates an environment that is easy to trade with. However, because language acquisition takes a long time and is costly, gambling companies cannot train potential workers in the host country. In other words, companies cannot rely on direct relocation to access the labor pool. In contrast, investments in other sectors, such as small-scale mining and manufacturing assembly, consist of other responsibilities that require minimal communication and easily transferable skills. In these sectors, exploitation is concentrated in non-verbal labor.

• 9 Hypothetically, gambling companies could also import labor from Taiwan.
• 10 This is not to deny that there is often backlash against Chinese-funded projects. However, host countries (.)
• 11 We recognize that in other host countries, governments do not mandate training for Chinese companies.

11 Therefore, Chinese gambling companies need to import Chinese workers to use the Labor Preliminary Army of the country of origin. 9 However, importing Chinese workers to work in the gambling division increases potential rebound in the recipient of the category, as the investment ripple effect of the department is limited. Gambling companies need to rely on Chinese workers who take sem i-legal or illegal immigration routes to avoid social tension. The Chinese will rely on companies in the acceptable country. In addition to labor import costs, this dependence leads to exploitation of companies, such as increased working hours, hostages of workers, and forced workers crackdown on workers. Because Chinese workers are temporary or alternative, potential reactions in other sectors may not be much more apparent, and the acceptance of the acceptance of the acceptance is to other sector. You can justify the effects of the development brought by investment (Camba et al. 2020). 10, for example, the Chinese infrastructure project has a schedule to complete. Depending on the situation, the acceptance of the company is obliged to slowly train the recipient workers on behalf of Chinese workers. 11 In contrast, it is much more difficult to train to speak Chinese to accept working countries, rather than importing workers from China. In other words, gambling requires workers who can speak Chinese constantly because workers have accumulated to promote transactions through languages.

• 12 Our formulation of "language labor" is similar to Ong Aika's flexible Citizenship, and she describes Southeast Asian Chinese as a "cultural intermediary" for new Chinese immigrants. (Ong 1999). However, in contrast to them, our formula focuses on the relocation of companies and mismatches with the reserve of labor in the acceptance of the country, and has not been fully protected by the acceptance government. It creates the need to import human workers. The combination of these processes is exploited so that it is proven in an empirical subscription. < SPAN> 11 Therefore, Chinese gambling companies need to import Chinese workers to use the Labor Preliminary Army of the country of origin. 9 However, importing Chinese workers to work in the gambling division increases potential rebound in the recipient of the category, as the investment ripple effect of the department is limited. Gambling companies need to rely on Chinese workers who take sem i-legal or illegal immigration routes to avoid social tension. The Chinese will rely on companies in the acceptable country. In addition to labor import costs, this dependence leads to exploitation of companies, such as increased working hours, hostages of workers, and forced workers crackdown on workers. Because Chinese workers are temporary or alternative, potential reactions in other sectors may not be much more apparent, and the acceptance of the acceptance of the acceptance is to other sector. You can justify the effects of the development brought by investment (Camba et al. 2020). 10, for example, the Chinese infrastructure project has a schedule to complete. Depending on the situation, the acceptance of the company is obliged to slowly train the recipient workers on behalf of Chinese workers. 11 In contrast, it is much more difficult to train to speak Chinese to accept working countries, rather than importing workers from China. In other words, gambling requires workers who can speak Chinese constantly because workers have accumulated to promote transactions through languages.
• 12 Our formulation of "language labor" is similar to Ong Aika's flexible Citizenship, and she describes Southeast Asian Chinese as a "cultural intermediary" for new Chinese immigrants. (Ong 1999). However, in contrast to them, our formula focuses on the relocation of companies and mismatches with the reserve of labor in the acceptance of the country, and has not been fully protected by the acceptance government. It creates the need to import human workers. The combination of these processes is exploited so that it is proven in an empirical subscription. 11 Therefore, Chinese gambling companies need to import Chinese workers to use the Labor Preliminary Army of the country of origin. 9 However, importing Chinese workers to work in the gambling division increases potential rebound in the recipient of the category, as the investment ripple effect of the department is limited. Gambling companies need to rely on Chinese workers who take sem i-legal or illegal immigration routes to avoid social tension. The Chinese will rely on companies in the acceptable country. In addition to labor import costs, this dependence leads to exploitation of companies, such as increased working hours, hostages of workers, and forced workers crackdown on workers. Because Chinese workers are temporary or alternative, potential reactions in other sectors may not be much more apparent, and the acceptance of the acceptance of the acceptance is to other sector. You can justify the effects of the development brought by investment (Camba et al. 2020). 10, for example, the Chinese infrastructure project has a schedule to complete. Depending on the situation, the acceptance of the company is obliged to slowly train the recipient workers on behalf of Chinese workers. 11 In contrast, it is much more difficult to train to speak Chinese to accept working countries, rather than importing workers from China. In other words, gambling requires workers who can speak Chinese constantly because workers have accumulated to promote transactions through languages.

12 Our formulation of "language labor" is similar to Ong Aika's flexible Citizenship, and she describes Southeast Asian Chinese as a "cultural intermediary" for new Chinese immigrants. (Ong 1999). However, in contrast to them, our formula focuses on the relocation of companies and mismatches with the reserve of labor in the acceptance of the country, and has not been fully protected by the acceptance government. It creates the need to import human workers. The combination of these processes is exploited so that it is proven in an empirical subscription.

• Comparison of online gambling in the Philippines and o n-site casinos in Zambia
• 13 There are three reasons we chose a case. First, gambling chose to clarify another aspect of working immigration, exploitation and language use in the workplace. This problem was demonstrated by Aaron Halegua in Saipan (Halegua 2020). However, the exploitation in the gambling department is a different development in Cambodia, which has a different development due to the accumulation department nuances and the unknown of the legal status in the department in the construction department. Showed that Ethiopia shows that the language skills are forming a workplace in various forms, such as giving power to some workers through minimal communication (Franceschini 2020; Driessen 2020). In the construction industry, this debate makes sense because the accumulation style (fixed payment by the acceptance country) and the actual work (construction labor, that is, excavation, welding, renovation) do not depend on language use. 。 In contrast, the accumulation style in gambling depends on communicating directly with customers in a series of games. In this case, language skills are required to smoothly communicate online or o n-site between the player and the worker (the worker represents the company). As we discussed, the use of Mandarin is a vector for companies to exploit workers. In addition, the state of the states has also influenced the legal status of the gambling department. < SPAN> Comparison of online gambling in the Philippines and o n-site casinos in Zambia
• 13 There are three reasons we chose a case. First, gambling chose to clarify another aspect of working immigration, exploitation and language use in the workplace. This problem was demonstrated by Aaron Halegua in Saipan (Halegua 2020). However, the exploitation in the gambling department is a different development in Cambodia, which has a different development due to the accumulation department nuances and the unknown of the legal status in the department in the construction department. Showed that Ethiopia shows that the language skills are forming a workplace in various forms, such as giving power to some workers through minimal communication (Franceschini 2020; Driessen 2020). In the construction industry, this debate makes sense because the accumulation style (fixed payment by the acceptance country) and the actual work (construction labor, that is, excavation, welding, renovation) do not depend on language use. 。 In contrast, the accumulation style in gambling depends on communicating directly with customers in a series of games. In this case, language skills are required to smoothly communicate online or o n-site between the player and the worker (the worker represents the company). As we discussed, the use of Mandarin is a vector for companies to exploit workers. In addition, the state of the states has also influenced the legal status of the gambling department. Comparison of online gambling in the Philippines and o n-site casinos in Zambia

13 There are three reasons we chose a case. First, gambling chose to clarify another aspect of working immigration in China, exploitation and language use in the workplace. This problem was demonstrated by Aaron Halegua in Saipan (Halegua 2020). However, the exploitation in the gambling department is a different development in Cambodia, which has a different development due to the accumulation department nuances and the unknown of the legal status in the department in the construction department. Showed that Ethiopia shows that the language skills are forming a workplace in various forms, such as giving power to some workers through minimal communication (Franceschini 2020; Driessen 2020). In the construction industry, this debate makes sense because the accumulation style (fixed payment by the acceptance country) and the actual work (construction labor, that is, excavation, welding, renovation) do not depend on language use. 。 In contrast, the accumulation style in gambling depends on communicating directly with customers in a series of games. In this case, language skills are required to facilitate online or o n-site communication between players and workers (workers represent the company). As we discussed, the use of Mandarin is a vector for companies to exploit workers. In addition, the state of the states has also influenced the legal status of the gambling department.

• 14 Second, we show that similar patterns of labor exploitation occur in the two types of gambling subsectors. The Philippines’ service sector economy (Cardenas 2020) is the country’s main economic engine and attracts huge Chinese online gambling capital. The scale of online gambling in the service sector allows us to analyze the intensity of labor exploitation due to the scale of capital-intensive investments. Studying online gambling in a country where it is banned makes it difficult to analyze the process. Over the past two decades, Chinese immigrants have built on-site casinos in Zambia. Zambian on-site casinos represent a thriving gambling sector in an economy dependent on manufacturing and mining. We analyze two countries with different development strategies and demonstrate that similar exploitative practices occur in both online and on-site gambling. 12 Cliff Venzon, “Duterte’s tackpot as China fels online gambling boom,” Asian Nikkei Review, (. ).

• 13 Martin Williams, “Palau nears Approval for Online Casino, Sports Betting,” Gambling Compliance, 19 (. ).
• 14 “Guide to Chinese Consulate-General Protection and Cooperation” (中國梆事护和协助指南, Consulate-General Protection and Cooperation Guidenan).
• 15 Finally, China has been inconsistent in enforcing its laws against Chinese gambling companies outside China. While it bans Chinese nationals from gambling within China, the Chinese state does not often punish Chinese tourists for engaging in activities that are considered legal or quasi-legal in the host country. Nevertheless, the Chinese embassy has taken a hard-line stance against online gambling in the Philippines, calling on the Philippine government to ban online gambling and discouraging tourists from working in the sector. 12 In Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, online gambling companies have been playing games with the Chinese government. For example, Fiji was once the online gambling capital of the country due to its loose capital controls and gambling legislation (Presterudstuen 2014). However, pressure from the Chinese government eventually forced them to relocate to Palau, which does not have formal diplomatic relations with China. 13 The Chinese embassy in Zambia continues to protest against these casinos. 14 However, there appears to be less opposition from the Chinese state, indicating a degree of passive acceptance, or “politics of tolerance.” Despite the differences in the Chinese government’s approach, we show that labor exploitation occurs in both subsectors.

Philippine Online Gambling Capital

• 15 Interview, Filipino-Chinese Oligarch, Singapore, November 17, 2018.
• 16 PhilWeb, a private company owned by Philippine oligarch Roberto Ongpin, was awarded a 13-year contract with (. ).
• 17 There are 60 online gambling companies registered under “POGO” schemes and 68 companies registered under various IPAs (. )
• 16 The Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo administration (2000-2010) built a multibillion-dollar gambling industry boasting over 25 on-site casinos and attracting thousands of wealthy visitors per week. Through foreign partnerships, Filipino capitalists own most of the casinos, while their partners hold minority stakes (Camba 2020). During President Arroyo’s tenure, on-site casinos flourished while online gambling took a back seat. By 2010, gambling technology had caught up, with parallel IPs, private payment systems, and numerous gaming platforms (Camba 2020). In 2013, the global online gambling market reached US$700 billion, of which US$100-120 billion was in East and Southeast Asian economies (Banks 2016). China also began tightening its grip on gambling companies in Hong Kong and Macau, fearing that online platforms could launder money and increase the amount of US dollar outflows in China’s opportunities. The changes in the sector, technology, and regulatory environment were painfully obvious to a significant segment of the Philippine elite, who realized they were missing out on a major opportunity to accumulate capital. 15 Key Philippine elites, some of whom already operated casinos, many of whom did not, mobilized to support Duterte’s candidacy, positioning themselves to benefit from online gambling capital. Online gambling underwent a major policy shift once Duterte became president. The PhilWeb deal was
• 17 Online gambling uses web platforms to connect the company's representatives and players through communication through computers and new electronic media facilities. In a world of the world, customers gamble through smartphones, tablets and computers. In another place, company employees promote transactions from customer service, marketing to payment. Such a platform constitutes the need for a casino in a physically close place where players and companies physically close to compress time and space. However, compressing time and space is necessary to operate online gambling but inadequate. What is essentially important is the language shared between the player and the person in charge. Company management, such as custome r-specific e-mails, advertising, video consultation, chat, and claims, must be shared languages. In other words, the operation of online gambling is linked to the ability to communicate with a company in a platform or service provider.

18 Refers to people in the same town.

19 ALVIN CAMBA, "Why is the Philippines for Chinese Offshore Gambling," The DIPLOMAT, 22 Nove (.). And the representative of the company and the player Use a web platform to connect. In a world of the world, customers gamble through smartphones, tablets and computers. In another place, company employees promote transactions from customer service, marketing to payment. Such a platform constitutes the need for a casino in a physically close place where players and companies physically close to compress time and space. However, compressing time and space is necessary to operate online gambling but inadequate. What is essentially important is the language shared between the player and the person in charge. Company management, such as custome r-specific e-mails, advertising, video consultation, chat, and claims, must be shared languages. In other words, the operation of online gambling is linked to the ability to communicate with a company in a platform or service provider.

• 18 Refers to people in the same town.

• 19 ALVIN CAMBA, "Why is the Philippines for Chinese Offshore Gambling," The DIPLOMAT, 22 NOVE (.). To connect the player with the front Use a web platform. In a world of the world, customers gamble through smartphones, tablets and computers. In another place, company employees promote transactions from customer service, marketing to payment. Such a platform constitutes the need for a casino in a physically close place where players and companies physically close to compress time and space. However, compressing time and space is necessary to operate online gambling but inadequate. What is essentially important is the language shared between the player and the person in charge. Company management, such as custome r-specific e-mails, advertising, video consultation, chat, and claims, must be shared languages. In other words, the operation of online gambling is linked to the ability to communicate with a company in a platform or service provider.
• 18 Refers to people in the same town.
• 19 ALVIN CAMBA, "Why is the Philippines for Chinese Offshore Gambling," The DIPLOMAT, 22 Nove (.).

At 18 major online gambling companies, workers are recruited nationwide through larg e-scale broker networks. Small online gambling companies have overwhelmingly many employments through famil y-based connections and old. In order for 18 online gambling companies to promote capital accumulation, the Chinese labor is absolutely necessary. First, the accumulation of capital is linked to Mandarin and other Chinese fluents, so the liquidity of the capital and the fluent of the language are in trad e-off. In the past, the relocation of a company has a lower labor cost, land, and operating costs than the original place, so it produces savings like a front wind. In addition, companies with lack of capital compete with each other to relocate companies, so companies can negotiate better conditions. In this case, the Philippines provides cheap real estate to online gambling companies. The Philippine cities fell over real estate due to the decrease in call center investment due to automation compared to other Southeast Asian countries. Apart from the rise in real estate prices, there are religious regulations in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, making it difficult to move in. The Philippines has exercised relative autonomy from the Chinese government, but has not fully indicate nations that are located at the lower level of the development spectrum, such as Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar. Hong Kong investors who are investing in online gambling companies point out:

• 20 Interview, Hong Kong Investor, Hong Kong, July 3, 2019.
• 21 Interviews, 8 Filipino Chinese owners, Makati, February 21, 2019 and September 17, 2019. Interview (.)
• 22 Interview, several marketing representatives of online gambling companies, Makati, September 18, 2019.
• 23 Similar. According to Matthew Campbell's Saipan survey, the use of VIP rooms is recruited nationwide through larg e-scale broker networks in T (.) < SPAN> 18 major online gambling companies. Small online gambling companies have overwhelmingly many employments through famil y-based connections and old. In order for 18 online gambling companies to promote capital accumulation, the Chinese labor is absolutely necessary. First, the accumulation of capital is linked to Mandarin and other Chinese fluents, so the liquidity of the capital and the fluent of the language are in trad e-off. In the past, the relocation of a company has a lower labor cost, land, and operating costs than the original place, so it produces savings like a front wind. In addition, companies with lack of capital compete with each other to relocate companies, so companies can negotiate better conditions. In this case, the Philippines provides cheap real estate to online gambling companies. The Philippine cities fell over real estate due to the decrease in call center investment due to automation compared to other Southeast Asian countries. Apart from the rise in real estate prices, there are religious regulations in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, making it difficult to move in. The Philippines has exercised relative autonomy from the Chinese government, but has not fully indicate nations that are located at the lower level of the development spectrum, such as Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar. Hong Kong investors who are investing in online gambling companies point out:

20 Interview, Hong Kong Investor, Hong Kong, July 3, 2019.

21 Interviews, 8 Filipino Chinese owners, Makati, February 21, 2019 and September 17, 2019. Interview (.)

• 22 Interview, several marketing representatives of online gambling companies, Makati, September 18, 2019.

23 Similar. According to Matthew Campbell's Saipan survey, the use of VIP rooms is recruited nationwide through larg e-scale broker networks in 18 major online gambling companies. Small online gambling companies have overwhelmingly many employments through famil y-based connections and old. In order for 18 online gambling companies to promote capital accumulation, the Chinese labor is absolutely necessary. First, the accumulation of capital is linked to Mandarin and other Chinese fluents, so the liquidity of the capital and the fluent of the language are in trad e-off. In the past, the relocation of a company has a lower labor cost, land, and operating costs than the original place, so it produces savings like a front wind. In addition, companies with lack of capital compete with each other to relocate companies, so companies can negotiate better conditions. In this case, the Philippines provides cheap real estate to online gambling companies. The Philippine cities fell over real estate due to the decrease in call center investment due to automation compared to other Southeast Asian countries. Apart from the rise in real estate prices, there are religious regulations in Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand, making it difficult to move in. The Philippines has exercised relative autonomy from the Chinese government, but has not fully indicate nations, such as Laos, Cambodia, and Myanmar. Hong Kong investors who are investing in online gambling companies point out:

• 20 Interview, Hong Kong Investor, Hong Kong, July 3, 2019.
• 21 Interviews, 8 Filipino Chinese owners, Makati, February 21, 2019 and September 17, 2019. Interview (.)

22 Interview, several marketing representatives of online gambling companies, Makati, September 18, 2019.

• 23 Similar. According to Matthew Campbell Saipan survey, the use of the VIP room is T (.)
• 19 Capital mobility allows online gambling companies to acquire real estate and state protection, while Chinese workers share a language essential for conducting transactions that compress time and space. Chinese workers who are fluent in Mandarin or other Chinese languages ​​allow online gambling companies to stay connected to their customers. 21 Chinese fluency is linked to a broader economic background. In East-Southeast Asia, most customers are not only in China, but also in Singapore, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. All of these nations experience some degree of economic mobility. Among these countries, China provides the largest number of customers due to its huge population and domestic legal issues on gambling. According to a marketing person at an online gambling company, "Although Chinese gamblers are far fewer than Chinese in other countries, the number of gamblers more than makes up for it." 22 The same person said, "Most Chinese customers play poker, mahjong, and sometimes sports betting. The most popular game is high-end baccarat, where players make high proxy bets. You must bet in RMB, which is remitted within China, but you can choose the currency of your winnings." 23
• 24 Visited at Golden Dragon Empire on November 6, 2018 and Swanton Asia Co., Ltd. on September 19, 2019.
• 25 Ancillary labor refers to labor performed for the primary production or activity of the sector. T (. )

20 Second, Chinese labor is utilized in a variety of functions that fit into the “complex business” of online gambling, with Chinese employed for web-based labor, while Filipinos perform location-specific labor: (a) the marketing department, which targets Chinese email addresses and landlines around the world to lure players; (b) the gaming department, which is made up of Chinese workers who pose as game players to lure players; (c) the training department, which teaches the protocols for working for the companies, living in the host country, and transacting with actors in the host country; and (d) the operations department, which combines programming, accounting, and funds transfer. 24 In contrast, Filipinos are essential for most types of auxiliary labor. Affiliates owned by the online gambling companies’ local partners or co-investors bring in Filipino workers for auxiliary labor, such as accountants, security, and management. 25

• 26 Ibid.

27 Multiple interviews, Filipino security guards, online gambling companies, Manila, September 17-18, 2019. 28 Gilbert Feronco, “Investigating Chinese Worker Deaths in the Philippines,” Gulf News, 13 August 2019, (. ).

• 21 One important aspect is that the Chinese and Filipino elites who are online gambling investors exploit the differences between Filipinos and Chinese. In fact, the number of Chinese workers is so high that Filipinos have to be hired to police the Chinese workers. 26 Filipino security guards not only police the premises, but also exert force on Chinese workers who do not comply with the online gambling companies. From making sure that workers do not take too many toilet breaks to monitoring cell phone use in the break rooms, 27 Filipino workers provide the enforcement devices that online gambling companies need to maximize the web-based labor done by Chinese workers. Chinese workers who fail to follow the rules are handcuffed to chairs, underground pipes, or terraces. 28 Workers are also threatened with unilateral pay cuts. As the Filipino security guard interviewed noted:

29 Interview, Filipino security guard, September 18, 2019.

• 30 Interview, Associate Attorney at Law, Romulo Law Firm, Manila, September 16, 2019, corroborated by interview (.)
• 31 Ibid.
• 32 Interview, Hong Kong manager, online gambling company, Manila, September 19, 2019.
• 22 In addition, Filipinos deal with issues that may arise from their particular background that may derail their web-based operations. For example, online gambling companies hire the country's top law firms to deal with obtaining permits from local governments and registration procedures. 30 When some Chinese workers end up in police trouble, online gambling companies use the same Filipino workers to keep them out of jail. People who travel around the city to deliver bribes to police and local politicians make up the company's Filipino staff, demonstrating place-specific labor. 31 In addition, due to disparities in the ability to tolerate migrant labor and gray zone work, most imported Chinese workers are male, so they need to hire Filipino "showgirls" as a means of soliciting customers. Specifically, Filipino women appear in front of the camera as "showgirls" and often do Mandarin voiceovers. Filipino appearances range from "white" to "East Asian" to "Polynesian," so there is a wide selection of affordable "showgirls." 32

33 Interview, Filipino-Chinese manager, Makati, February 22, 2019.

• 34 During fieldwork, we encountered a variety of Chinese languages ​​and dialects. The most common is sp(。)
• 35 Ibid.

36 Ibid.

• 37 This is based on the Bureau of Immigration's official document on "Tourists and Special Work Permits".

23 Finally, working hours vary from company to department, but online gambling companies generally exploit Chinese workers. Workers have promised a certain amount of wages. After arriving in the Philippines, this wage is significantly or slightly reduced. Passports are seized by some workers, especially the company's "travel arrangements," and workers who have to use their residence. According to Filipino managers, Chinese customer service workers work 10 to 14 hours a day, and the average monthly salary is $ 600 to 1, 000. 33 Employees who speak Chinese have a low wage level, and other Chinese speaking employees have high wages. 34 companies provide a studio service employee for 4-5 people in a building leasing or owned by companies. 35 Reliable engineers, programmers, and financial analysts are paid a monthly salary of $ 1, 500 to 2, 500, and the right to rent apartments in Makati and other wealthy cities. Rewards are transferred to overseas bank accounts. 36 However, Chinese workers have the option to receive a portion of wages in the Philippines. Currently, the working population of the Philippines online gambling is 250, 000 to 300, 000, even for a modest estimate. This estimate exceeds the number of working permit approved by the Immigration Bureau. 37

• 24 In an interview, Chinese working at an online gambling company said:

• 38 Interview, Chinese online gambling employee, Manila, February 23, 2019. Two people back up in the interview (.)
• 39 AIKA REY, "2020. rescved TAIWANESE WORKER TAGS A" MICHAEL YANG "as Pogo Protector in Gov't," Rapple R (.).

40 interviews, former online gambling workers, February 13, 2020.

• 41 Same as above. < Span> 23 Finally, working hours vary from company to department, but online gambling companies generally exploit Chinese workers. Workers have promised a certain amount of wages. After arriving in the Philippines, this wage is significantly or slightly reduced. Passports are seized by some workers, especially the company's "travel arrangements," and workers who have to use their residence. According to Filipino managers, Chinese customer service workers work 10 to 14 hours a day, and the average monthly salary is $ 600 to 1, 000. 33 Employees who speak Chinese have a low wage level, and other Chinese speaking employees have high wages. 34 companies provide a studio service employee for 4-5 people in a building leasing or owned by companies. 35 Reliable engineers, programmers, and financial analysts are paid a monthly salary of $ 1, 500 to 2, 500, and the right to rent apartments in Makati and other wealthy cities. Rewards are transferred to overseas bank accounts. 36 However, Chinese workers have the option to receive a portion of wages in the Philippines. Currently, the working population of the Philippines online gambling is 250, 000 to 300, 000, even for a modest estimate. This estimate exceeds the number of working permit approved by the Immigration Bureau. 37

• 24 In an interview, a Chinese working at an online gambling company said:
• 38 Interview, Chinese online gambling employee, Manila, February 23, 2019. Two people back up in the interview (.)

39 AIKA REY, "2020. rescved TAIWANESE WORKER TAGS A" MICHAEL YANG "as Pogo Protector in Gov't," Rapple R (.).

40 interviews, former online gambling workers, February 13, 2020.

41 Same as above. 23 Finally, working hours vary from company to department, but online gambling companies generally exploit Chinese workers. Workers have promised a certain amount of wages. After arriving in the Philippines, this wage is significantly or slightly reduced. Passports are seized by some workers, especially the company's "travel arrangements," and workers who have to use their residence. According to Filipino managers, Chinese customer service workers work 10 to 14 hours a day, and the average monthly salary is $ 600 to 1, 000. 33 Employees who speak Chinese have a low wage level, and other Chinese speaking employees have high wages. 34 companies provide a studio service employee for 4-5 people in a building leasing or owned by companies. 35 Reliable engineers, programmers, and financial analysts are paid a monthly salary of $ 1, 500 to 2, 500, and the right to rent apartments in Makati and other wealthy cities. Rewards are transferred to overseas bank accounts. 36 However, Chinese workers have the option to receive a portion of wages in the Philippines. Currently, the working population of the Philippines online gambling is 250, 000 to 300, 000, even for a modest estimate. This estimate exceeds the number of working permit approved by the Immigration Bureau. 37

24 In an interview, Chinese working at an online gambling company said:

38 Interview, Chinese online gambling employee, Manila, February 23, 2019. Two people back up in the interview (.)

39 AIKA REY, "2020. rescved TAIWANESE WORKER TAGS A" MICHAEL YANG "as Pogo Protector in Gov't," Rapple R (.).

40 interviews, former online gambling workers, February 13, 2020.

41 Same as above.

Apart from 25 working conditions, online gambling companies have discontinued the working conditions of workers. The Philippine government, which is only responsible for the wealthy in the Philippines, is only answered online gambling companies due to the connection with the Duterte administration. Corporate abuse is neglected from exploitation working conditions to sexual harassment. 39, for example, Taiwanese workers who attended the Philippines Senate have been sexually harassed by online gambling medical staff and security staff. Another former online gambling employee supports the experience of Taiwanese workers, and in their office that the dormitory of workers is connected to the company, 40. 40 employees are outsider. I was able to enter the worker's room and unilaterally inspect my belongings. She rely on the company, only speaks Chinese, and does not trust other workers, so I couldn't talk to anyone. She was able to talk about himself in Mall of Asia, who met some Taiwanese tourists, and the tourists introduced a Filipino acquaintance working under the Senator in the Philippines. It was only when I came. 41 In other words, Chinese workers have no help, because neither the Philippine government, police, or related organizations help.

42 Interview, Pagcor staff, November 5, 2018.

43 Interview, 2 Chinese embassy staff, Manila, November 6, 2018.

44 Interview, China Security Representative, Manila, October 10, 2019.

45 same up.

26 Furthermore, if the Chinese ask the Chinese government for assistance, they face further dilemma. Specifically, Chinese who have been caught at an online gambling company may be sentenced to three to ten years in prison. In an interview with the Chinese Embassy's political office, we asked why China could crack or prevent customers from such companies, workers, or China. "There are so many companies. Many police are active throughout China, but there are limits in places like the Philippines." 43 His opinion is also supported by a Chinese police officer. He claims that "China needs to pay the local police to get China to do something from a local police." 44 He pointed out that the arrest of 360 Chinese working in an online gambling company in the Philippines has cooperated in the arrest of the Chinese working at an online gambling company. 45

Casino in the hall of Zambia

46 Interviews with Chinese community leaders and Chinese casino managers, Lusaka, April 2019.

27 While there is no dataset documenting the number of companies or casinos on the ground in Zambia, our fieldwork suggests that casinos are primarily owned by foreign investors, including Chinese, South Africans, and Russians. There are 35 casinos across Zambia, most of which are greenfield investments. While most of the companies are owned solely by Chinese, some are joint partnerships between Chinese and other foreigners. Partners include Greeks, Indians, Sri Lankans, and Russians. 46 For example, the first Chinese gambling company was Great Wall Casino, a Chinese-Greek joint venture that has been around for 20 years, attracting Chinese and non-Chinese customers to its site.

47 However, the gambling business has not completely disappeared in China. Rather, (.)

48 Fujianese, more specifically Fuqing gangsters, also smuggle slot machines from China and sou (.)

Zambia has seen an increase of 28 Chinese gambling businesses run by Fujianese in the past five years. Currently, more than 10 Chinese gambling businesses are owned by investors from Fujianese, more specifically Fuqing city, a prefecture-level city in Fujian province. Half of these businesses initially operated in South Africa but relocated their operations to Zambia to escape worsening South African crime and the weak rand. In addition, China’s major campaign against special crime syndicates (saohei chu’e 扫黑除恶) forced some owners to relocate their businesses from China. Because gambling is illegal in China, those involved in the gambling business are often considered to be part of a crime syndicate or “local mafia.”47 China’s anti-corruption and anti-gang crime campaigns have prevented many Fujianese who were involved in the gambling business in China from continuing their business in mainland China. As the three Hokkien owners explained, they were originally involved in the gambling business in Fujian Province, but decided to move their business to Africa after a relative was arrested for a similar business. They chose Zambia because they heard that gambling is legal there and it is relatively safe compared to other African countries such as South Africa and Nigeria. In addition, the competition in the gambling business is less fierce than in South Africa. 48

49 AFECC also builds Golden Peacock Hotel in African countries such as Zambia, Malawi, and ().

50 "Anhui Province (Gathering) Limited Society Ticket 2016 Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal Fiscal (Gathering)"

51 The remaining 9. 72%is a stat e-owned capital owned by the Anhui City National Asset Supervision Management Agency.

52 Halegua has also found that a ministry SOE in China is involved in hotel construction.

The relationship between 29 Zambia and China has been strengthened and the structure related to labor has increased, increasing only 3, 000 Chinese migrant workers in the 1990s to 30, 000 to 50, 000 (in 2019). Li and Shi 2020). China's o n-site casinos have not received financial incentives from policy banks, central governments, local governments, or othe r-oriented programs. All Chinese capital casinos are privately owned. About tw o-thirds of these casinos are located in Lusaka, the capital of Zambia, where about 20, 000 Chinese live and work, and the remaining on e-third is a capper with many Chinese mining workers. It is in the belt area. These companies have found evidence that Chinese stat e-owned construction companies are involved in gambling divisions. For example, Lusaka's Golden Peacock Hotel is a facility owned by the Anhui Foreign Economic Construction (Group) Limited Uji (AFECC), and has a new casino on the premises. According to the company's materials, the total investment in Lusaka's casino is 100 million yuan (about 14 million US). The majority of Afecc was a stat e-owned company, but most capital has shifted to a private mixe d-owned company. The casino in the 51 Golden Peak Cock does not directly contain stat e-owned or financing from China, but holds the stocks of a hotel with a casino indirectly involves the gambling category. 52

53 Multiple interviews, Zambian Chinese casino manager, Lusaka and Kitowe, July 2019. the (.)

It is estimated that Chinese workers working at 30 gambling companies have previously been a small county, town, village merchants and farmers. 53 exploitation occurs in several ways. First, most of these gambling companies are famil y-run, so the owners tend to hire relatives or Laoxiang. Most owners believe it is easier to "control" Laosian. The owner of the Chinese gambling company with Kitawe explains:

54 Interview, Chinese casino owner, Kitwe, July 25, 2019.

31 This family-run model can lead to hostage situations and further exploitation of workers in some casinos. As explained earlier, many of the Chinese workers are relatives or Laosians of the owners. Many of the workers enter Zambia illegally or use tourist visas as an entry point. Some companies pay non-Laosians or workers with no connection to their hometowns only once or twice a year to better manage their workforce. In some cases, owners hold passports indefinitely to keep workers with the company or to prevent them from returning to China. We have spoken to several Chinese and Zambian workers who previously worked in Chinese casinos. In some cases, owners have not paid workers or only partially paid them because the casinos were closed due to financial mismanagement. The owners left without fulfilling their obligations. 55 Multiple interviews with staff of Chinese casinos in Zambia, Lusaka and Kitwe, July 201.

56 Interview, Senior Manager, Great Wall Casino, Lusaka, July 22, 2019

57 Estimates based on interviews with 10 Chinese casino operators in Lusaka.

58 Interview with Senior Manager, Galaxy Casino, Lusaka, July 23, 2019.

32 Second, Chinese workers are essential to attract Chinese customers. Most of the workers working for the company are Zambians, and they tend to be security guards, bartenders, cashiers, and lifeguards. Chinese workers can earn US$1, 500-2, 500 per month, compared to a Zambian salary of US$150-300. 55 The senior manager explains that the big difference in salary and employment preferences is because “most of the customers are Chinese and migrant workers.” They are not so educated and they do not speak English. So it is important to have Chinese managers who can serve them and make them feel at home. 56 80 to 90 percent of the customers in these casinos are Chinese. 57 A senior manager of a Chinese branch in Lusaka, who has also worked in casinos in Macau, explains, “Most of the Zambians here are poor.... We target Chinese people, especially businessmen and the private sector workforce.” They like to visit casinos and spend money. “There is not much to do in the city. 58

59 Unlike the large number of Chinese workers in the Philippine case, we estimate several hundred Chinese (.) 60 Interviews with multiple owners of Chinese-owned casinos in Lusaka, Zambia, April and May 2019.

33 The Chinese are primarily an advanced or intermediate position due to their linguistic abilities and the fact that they cannot leave the more important things to the locals. 59 Most Chinese workers have low educational levels and can hardly speak English, but they can speak the owner's dialect, such as Fukushu dialect and Fukuden. In daily communication with the owner, they tend to speak local dialects and standard language, and no n-speakers have a limited ability to listen to conversations. Specifically, casinos deal with cash and tax evasion. These are hidden and delicate issues. Here, Chinese owners prefer to leave these delicate tasks to Laocyan, especially those who can communicate with their brothers. In addition, many Chinese workers are illegally entering the country, so there are some situations that workers have become a hostage so that they do not report to the owner. The owner, on the other hand, is afraid that Zambians will collect evidence such as recording and copy and extortion. 60

61 Interview with multiple Chinese community leaders. As a businessman who has lived in Zambia for years.

Third, the third company is related to Zambia's national elite and Chinese gangs, and it is disturbed by the fact that workers are seeking help from the accepting government. In our fieldwork, many Chinese casinos have bragged close connections with the Zambian state, but they all refused to reveal the specific officials. 61 Below is a quote from the manager of a Chinese gambling company in Lusaka:

Interview with a Chinese gambling company in Lusaka in Lusaka. Telephone interview, June 8, 2020.

63 Interview, Vice Chairman of the Zambia Chinese Association, Lusaka, May 5, 2019.

64 Interview with the Embassy China Economic and Commercial Counselor's Counsel Office (.) < Span> 33 The Chinese people cannot leave their linguistic abilities and local people to the locals. Occupies an advanced or intermediate position. 59 Most Chinese workers have low educational levels and can hardly speak English, but they can speak the owner's dialect, such as Fukushu dialect and Fukuden. In daily communication with the owner, they tend to speak local dialects and standard language, and no n-speakers have a limited ability to listen to conversations. Specifically, casinos deal with cash and tax evasion. These are hidden and delicate issues. Here, Chinese owners prefer to leave these delicate tasks to Laocyan, especially those who can communicate with their brothers. In addition, many Chinese workers are illegally entering the country, so there are some situations that workers have become a hostage so that they do not report to the owner. The owner, on the other hand, is afraid that Zambians will collect evidence such as recording and copy and extortion. 60

61 Interview with multiple Chinese community leaders. As a businessman who has lived in Zambia for years.

Third, the third company is related to Zambia's national elite and Chinese gangs, and it is disturbed by the fact that workers are seeking help from the accepting government. In our fieldwork, many Chinese casinos have bragged close connections with the Zambian state, but they all refused to reveal the specific officials. 61 Below is a quote from the manager of a Chinese gambling company in Lusaka:

Interview with a Chinese gambling company in Lusaka in Lusaka. Telephone interview, June 8, 2020.

63 Interview, Vice Chairman of the Zambia Chinese Association, Lusaka, May 5, 2019.

64 Interview with Economic and Commercial Counselors in Zambi Chinese Embassy, ​​Counselor's Office Officer (.) It occupies an intermediate position. 59 Most Chinese workers have low educational levels and can hardly speak English, but they can speak the owner's dialect, such as Fukushu dialect and Fukuden. In daily communication with the owner, they tend to speak local dialects and standard language, and no n-speakers have a limited ability to listen to conversations. Specifically, casinos deal with cash and tax evasion. These are hidden and delicate issues. Here, Chinese owners prefer to leave these delicate tasks to Laocyan, especially those who can communicate with their brothers. In addition, many Chinese workers are illegally entering the country, so there are some situations that workers have become a hostage so that they do not report to the owner. The owner, on the other hand, is afraid that Zambians will collect evidence such as recording and copy and extortion. 60

Marxian Theory of Exploitation, Gambling, and Language Labor

Third, the third company is related to Zambia's national elite and Chinese gangs, and it is disturbed by the fact that workers are seeking help from the accepting government. In our fieldwork, many Chinese casinos have bragged close connections with the Zambian state, but they all refused to reveal the specific officials. 61 Below is a quote from the manager of a Chinese gambling company in Lusaka:

Interview with a Chinese gambling company in Lusaka in Lusaka. Telephone interview, June 8, 2020.

8 This is a fieldwork discovery. Slot machines and lo w-amount beds can be done automatically, but medium (.) 8 language labor is used to indicate "division of labor" and "proximity" (Adsera and Ferrer 2015; Williamson and Chen 2019), and with customers. In order to create a shared understanding among workers, it emphasizes how companies need workers who can involve linguistic and no n-language communication. The Chinese literature in Africa has grown more recognition that a language barrier has created a certain kind of problem between Chinese investors and Africans (Park and Chen 2009; EOM 2018). Imminely, these works are considered the relationship between the language and the meaning of the individual mapping to the world (Kelemen 2003), and Marxist theorist Giant Lucci "is a continuous organs of social existence. It is a phenomenon called "medium" (Kelemen 2014).

64 Interview with the Embassy China Embassy Economic and Commerce Counselor (.)

10 Among these strategies, labor pools are an important mechanism for increasing surplus labor and reducing work hours (ibid.: 312). When operations become too costly, companies relocate to other states to access new labor pools and cheaper inputs (ibid.: 313). However, relocation only makes sense if potential workers already have or can easily acquire the skills required for the company's core operations. In gambling, workers must always communicate with players in a common language. 8 Without this basic level of communication, trade falls apart. Language also creates familiarity and creates an environment that is easy to trade with. However, because language acquisition takes a long time and is costly, gambling companies cannot train potential workers in the host country. In other words, companies cannot rely on direct relocation to access the labor pool. In contrast, investments in other sectors, such as small-scale mining and manufacturing assembly, consist of other responsibilities that require minimal communication and easily transferable skills. In these sectors, exploitation is concentrated in non-verbal labor.

65 On July 22, 2019, an interview with an incumbent employee of the Chinese Embassy in Zambia, Lusaka.

10 This is not to deny that there is often backlash against Chinese-funded projects. However, host countries (.)

Interview with a 67 Zambi a-based Chinese company spokesperson, Lusaka, April 28, 2019.

12 Our formulation of "language labor" is similar to Ong Aika's flexible Citizenship, and she describes Southeast Asian Chinese as a "cultural intermediary" for new Chinese immigrants. (Ong 1999). However, in contrast to them, our formula focuses on the relocation of companies and mismatches with the reserve of labor in the acceptance of the country, and has not been fully protected by the acceptance government. It creates the need to import human workers. The combination of these processes is exploited so that it is proven in an empirical subscription. < SPAN> 11 Therefore, Chinese gambling companies need to import Chinese workers to use the Labor Preliminary Army of the country of origin. 9 However, importing Chinese workers to work in the gambling division increases potential rebound in the recipient of the category, as the investment ripple effect of the department is limited. Gambling companies need to rely on Chinese workers who take sem i-legal or illegal immigration routes to avoid social tension. The Chinese will rely on companies in the acceptable country. In addition to labor import costs, this dependence leads to exploitation of companies, such as increased working hours, hostages of workers, and forced workers crackdown on workers. Because Chinese workers are temporary or alternative, potential reactions in other sectors may not be much more apparent, and the acceptance of the acceptance of the acceptance is to other sector. You can justify the effects of the development brought by investment (Camba et al. 2020). 10, for example, the Chinese infrastructure project has a schedule to complete. Depending on the situation, the acceptance of the company is obliged to slowly train the recipient workers on behalf of Chinese workers. 11 In contrast, it is much more difficult to train to speak Chinese to accept working countries, rather than importing workers from China. In other words, gambling requires workers who can speak Chinese constantly because workers have accumulated to promote transactions through languages.

Conclusion < Span> 35 Fourth, Zambian workers cannot rely on Chinese nations. In most cases, they have relied on the Chinese community to resolve the dispute. According to the vice chairman of the Chinese Association in Zambia, "We are much more familiar with the community of the Chinese Embassy and the Chinese Embassy's Economic and Commerce Counselor's Counselor's Counselor. "Is explained. 63 The Chinese embassy has a list of companies in Zambia, but not all Chinese companies, individuals, and travelers in Zambia. The current list contains only about 200 Chinese companies and does not include gambling companies. 64 Incumbent of the Chinese Embassy in Lusaka explains the helplessness as follows:

13 There are three reasons we chose a case. First, gambling chose to clarify another aspect of working immigration, exploitation and language use in the workplace. This problem was demonstrated by Aaron Halegua in Saipan (Halegua 2020). However, the exploitation in the gambling department is a different development in Cambodia, which has a different development due to the accumulation department nuances and the unknown of the legal status in the department in the construction department. Showed that Ethiopia shows that the language skills are forming a workplace in various forms, such as giving power to some workers through minimal communication (Franceschini 2020; Driessen 2020). In the construction industry, this debate makes sense because the accumulation style (fixed payment by the acceptance country) and the actual work (construction labor, that is, excavation, welding, renovation) do not depend on language use. 。 In contrast, the accumulation style in gambling depends on communicating directly with customers in a series of games. In this case, language skills are required to smoothly communicate online or o n-site between the player and the worker (the worker represents the company). As we discussed, the use of Mandarin is a vector for companies to exploit workers. In addition, the state of the states has also influenced the legal status of the gambling department. < SPAN> Comparison of online gambling in the Philippines and o n-site casinos in Zambia

66 However, when Ambassador Lee Lee arrived, the rules did not last. Embassy staff (.)

14 Second, we show that similar patterns of labor exploitation occur in the two types of gambling subsectors. The Philippines’ service sector economy (Cardenas 2020) is the country’s main economic engine and attracts huge Chinese online gambling capital. The scale of online gambling in the service sector allows us to analyze the intensity of labor exploitation due to the scale of capital-intensive investments. Studying online gambling in a country where it is banned makes it difficult to analyze the process. Over the past two decades, Chinese immigrants have built on-site casinos in Zambia. Zambian on-site casinos represent a thriving gambling sector in an economy dependent on manufacturing and mining. We analyze two countries with different development strategies and demonstrate that similar exploitative practices occur in both online and on-site gambling. 12 Cliff Venzon, “Duterte’s tackpot as China fels online gambling boom,” Asian Nikkei Review, (. ).

However, the Chinese embassy has also shown to some extent that gambling on site gambling. For example, his predecessor, Yang Ariake, China, opposed the Chinese casino. In the former ambassador, many embassy events were held at the Golden Peacock Hotel. When the casino was established, the Ambassador Yang was forbidden to enter the hotel. Many other Chinese stat e-owned companies in Zambia have followed the rules of the Chinese embassy, ​​although they were more and less prominent. One Chinese company's PR manager said, "In fact, the Golden Peacock Hotel was the first candidate, but I knew that the ambassador would not like this hotel for a casino. So I chose another hotel instead. " 67

15 Finally, China has been inconsistent in enforcing its laws against Chinese gambling companies outside China. While it bans Chinese nationals from gambling within China, the Chinese state does not often punish Chinese tourists for engaging in activities that are considered legal or quasi-legal in the host country. Nevertheless, the Chinese embassy has taken a hard-line stance against online gambling in the Philippines, calling on the Philippine government to ban online gambling and discouraging tourists from working in the sector. 12 In Southeast Asia and the Pacific Islands, online gambling companies have been playing games with the Chinese government. For example, Fiji was once the online gambling capital of the country due to its loose capital controls and gambling legislation (Presterudstuen 2014). However, pressure from the Chinese government eventually forced them to relocate to Palau, which does not have formal diplomatic relations with China. 13 The Chinese embassy in Zambia continues to protest against these casinos. 14 However, there appears to be less opposition from the Chinese state, indicating a degree of passive acceptance, or “politics of tolerance.” Despite the differences in the Chinese government’s approach, we show that labor exploitation occurs in both subsectors.

15 Interview, Filipino-Chinese Oligarch, Singapore, November 17, 2018.

66 However, when Ambassador Lee Lee arrived, the rules did not last. Embassy staff (.)

Interview with a 67 Zambi a-based Chinese company spokesperson, Lusaka, April 28, 2019.

However, the Chinese embassy has also shown to some extent that gambling on site gambling. For example, his predecessor, Yang Ariake, China, opposed the Chinese casino. In the former ambassador, many embassy events were held at the Golden Peacock Hotel. When the casino was established, the Ambassador Yang was forbidden to enter the hotel. Many other Chinese stat e-owned companies in Zambia have followed the rules of the Chinese embassy, ​​although they were more and less prominent. One Chinese company's PR manager said, "In fact, the Golden Peacock Hotel was the first candidate, but I knew that the ambassador would not like this hotel for a casino. So I chose another hotel instead. " 67

Conclusion

18 Refers to people in the same town.

20 Interview, Hong Kong Investor, Hong Kong, July 3, 2019.

21 Interviews, 8 Filipino Chinese owners, Makati, February 21, 2019 and September 17, 2019. Interview (.)

22 Interview, several marketing representatives of online gambling companies, Makati, September 18, 2019.

22 Interview, several marketing representatives of online gambling companies, Makati, September 18, 2019.

Camba, Alvin. 2020. "The Sino-Centric Capital Export Regime: State support and flexible capital in the Philippines". Development and Change 51 (4): 970-97.

Camba, Alvin, Angela Tritto, and Mary Silaban. 7 (3): 1054-65.

Cardenas, Kennet. Alities, Institute, and Cultures. Cambridge: Cambridge UNIVERSITY Press. 233-61.

ドリーセン，ミリアム 2019. Tales of Hope, Tastes of Bitterness： China Road Builders in Ethiopia . Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press.

DRIESSEN, Miriam. 2020. 「Pidgin Play： Pidgin Play: Linguistic Subversion on Chinese-run Construction Sites in Ethiopia.」. African Affairs 119 (476)： 432-51.

EOM , Janel. 2018. 「Chinese Manufacturing Moves to Rwanda： A Study of Training at C& amp; H Garments.」. Working Paper No. China Africa Research Initiative, School of Advanced International Studies, John Hopkins University Washington, DC.

FRANCESCHINI, Ivan. 2020. FRANCESCHINI, Ivan. 2020. "As Far Apart as Earth and Sky： A Survey of Chinese and Cambodian Construction Workers in Sihanoukville.」. Critical Asian Studies (August). https://www. tandfonline. com/doi/full/10. 1080/14672715. 2020. 1804961 (accessed on 15 September 2020).

21 One important aspect is that the Chinese and Filipino elites who are online gambling investors exploit the differences between Filipinos and Chinese. In fact, the number of Chinese workers is so high that Filipinos have to be hired to police the Chinese workers. 26 Filipino security guards not only police the premises, but also exert force on Chinese workers who do not comply with the online gambling companies. From making sure that workers do not take too many toilet breaks to monitoring cell phone use in the break rooms, 27 Filipino workers provide the enforcement devices that online gambling companies need to maximize the web-based labor done by Chinese workers. Chinese workers who fail to follow the rules are handcuffed to chairs, underground pipes, or terraces. 28 Workers are also threatened with unilateral pay cuts. As the Filipino security guard interviewed noted:

HALL, Sarah. 2019. 「Reframing Labour Market Mobility in Global Finance： ロンドンの金融街における中国人エリート」. Urban Geography 40(5)： 699-718.

31 Ibid.

32 Interview, Hong Kong manager, online gambling company, Manila, September 19, 2019.

22 In addition, Filipinos deal with issues that may arise from their particular background that may derail their web-based operations. For example, online gambling companies hire the country's top law firms to deal with obtaining permits from local governments and registration procedures. 30 When some Chinese workers end up in police trouble, online gambling companies use the same Filipino workers to keep them out of jail. People who travel around the city to deliver bribes to police and local politicians make up the company's Filipino staff, demonstrating place-specific labor. 31 In addition, due to disparities in the ability to tolerate migrant labor and gray zone work, most imported Chinese workers are male, so they need to hire Filipino "showgirls" as a means of soliciting customers. Specifically, Filipino women appear in front of the camera as "showgirls" and often do Mandarin voiceovers. Filipino appearances range from "white" to "East Asian" to "Polynesian," so there is a wide selection of affordable "showgirls." 32

KELEMEN János. 2003. 「言語的分業： Putnam and Rossi-Landi." http://www. kelemenjanos. hu/docs/linguistic_division. pdf (accessed on 16 July 2020).

35 Ibid.

NYÍRI, Pál . 2007. 東欧とロシアにおける中国人： A Middleman Minority in a Transnational Era . London： Routledge.

24 In an interview, Chinese working at an online gambling company said:

38 Interview, Chinese online gambling employee, Manila, February 23, 2019. Two people back up in the interview (.)

"Park, Yoon Jung, and Anna Ying Chen. 2009.

41 Same as above. < Span> 23 Finally, working hours vary from company to department, but online gambling companies generally exploit Chinese workers. Workers have promised a certain amount of wages. After arriving in the Philippines, this wage is significantly or slightly reduced. Passports are seized by some workers, especially the company's "travel arrangements," and workers who have to use their residence. According to Filipino managers, Chinese customer service workers work 10 to 14 hours a day, and the average monthly salary is $ 600 to 1, 000. 33 Employees who speak Chinese have a low wage level, and other Chinese speaking employees have high wages. 34 companies provide a studio service employee for 4-5 people in a building leasing or owned by companies. 35 Reliable engineers, programmers, and financial analysts are paid a monthly salary of $ 1, 500 to 2, 500, and the right to rent apartments in Makati and other wealthy cities. Rewards are transferred to overseas bank accounts. 36 However, Chinese workers have the option to receive a portion of wages in the Philippines. Currently, the working population of the Philippines online gambling is 250, 000 to 300, 000, even for a modest estimate. This estimate exceeds the number of working permit approved by the Immigration Bureau. 37

TUCKER, Robert C. (Ed.). 1978. THE MARX-ENGELS READER. New York: ww Norton & amp; Company. 308.

38 Interview, Chinese online gambling employee, Manila, February 23, 2019. Two people back up in the interview (.)

WILLIAMSON, David, And Tingting Chen. 2018. TERS. ". Hospitality Insights 2 (2): 7-8.

YU, Zheng, and Chris Smith. 2017. . com/2017/09/24/CHINESE-MULTINATIONAL-CORPORATION S-in-europe-racing-to-the-bottom/ (Accessed on 5 September 2020).

Note

1 Cliff Venzon, "DUTERTE HTS T HE ACKPOT as China F Uels o NLINE G AMBLING B OOM," asian Nikkei Review, 9 JULY 2019 IA-Entertainment/DUTERTE-HIT S-THE-JACKPOT-AS-chana-fuels-online-gambling-box2 (Accessed on 5 September 2020).

2 ALVIN CAMBA, "The Winners and Losers in Duterte's China Play," South China Morning Post, 30 September 2018 TICLE/2166070/Winners-and-Losers- dutertes-chana-play (Accessed on 6 October 2020)

3. China online gambling companies are famous for their difficult tracking. Analyzing the Database of the Philippine Securities and Exchange Commission, most of the companies are investors from the Offshore Financial Center. For example, Golden Dragon Empire was composed of investors from the British Virgin Islands, Hong Kong, and Taiwan (company name or person name) in 2018. However, the manager and the board of directors seem to be Chinese in Fujian. In the SEC registration system, the address and citizenship are required for management, board of directors, and investors (when registered as a person). Unfortunately, OFC does not provide data on shareholder information or corporate information, so data cannot be obtained. See Camba (2020).

4, as shown by the Immigration Bureau (BI), 80 % of the new foreign workers in the Philippines are from mainland China. In 2018 alone, 200, 000 Chinese applied for a foreign employment permit.

5 Fieldwork in the Philippines and Zambia held from the fall of 2018 to 2020. Most of the interviews are anonymized to protect their identity.

Six Niiri's other books have examined the historical immigration of Chinese in East Europe, mentioning that gambling and opium nests existed in the early 20th century (NYíri 2007).

7 Interview, MCKIP floor manager, Quantan, February 22, 2019; interview, IMIP Smelet, Morowari, April 27, 2019.

8 This is a fieldwork discovery. Slot machines and lo w-end beds can be performed automatically, but the middl e-end to hig h-end games (baccarat, black jack, pigogopoker) in the online and o n-site environments need to communicate with the player. 。 In online gambling, due to the nature of we b-based trading, dealers need to mediate through customer service agents.

Nine assumptions, gambling companies can import labor from Taiwan, but according to our fieldwork, those workers are more expensive. Some Chinese managers in the interviewed company say that it is difficult to build trust with Taiwanese due to the political irritability of mainland China and Taiwan. Therefore, it is rare for Chinese gambling companies to hire Taiwanese. In addition, most online and o n-site gambling companies are composed of Chinese or former Chinese people, meaning that their labor intermediary networks are in China. Although there is no literature on language, labor, or gambling companies, our fieldwork demonstrates that the language can create affinity in the gambling category. In Zambia's inside casinos, Chinese gamblers feel that it is more cozy to speak Mandarin and hometown dialects to dealers and other players than in English. It was observed.